Neg Scope in a Minimalist Theory
In this paper, I argue that the scope interaction of a quantifier phrase (QP) and negation is to be analyzed as neg-feature checking. I propose that the neg-feature of QP is checked off in a spec-head relation with Neg, from the perspective of the checking theory of Chomsky (1995). I try to show that the neg-feature of a QP is checked off by Attract F(eature) of QP to spec of NegP, extending the Minimalist theory.
Under the NEG-Criterion (Haegeman 1995, Rizzi 1996) a negative operator must be in a Spec-head configuration with an X0 [NEG]. Pointing out that this approach is a problem for a Negative Polarity Item (NPI) in Japanese, I claim that the spec of NegP is not the position for a negative operator but it is a potential landing site for Neg-feature of quantifier phrases (QPs) and it is the position where Neg-feature of QPs is checked by spec-head relation of Neg0.
Adopting the lexical entry in the Minimalist Program, I assume that Japanese quantifiers have the following Neg-features:
(1) daRE-MO [+neg], dare-ka [-neg], DAre-mo[-neg]
[+/-] Neg-feature means that the value of Neg-feature is specified in the lexicon as affected by negation or unaffected by negation. I also assume that in the course of the overt verb movement to T, Neg feature of the Neg head is adjoined to T head in Japanese sentential negation. Using Attract F and checking theory I explain the data, including the following.
(2) daRE-MO/dare-ka/DAre-mo ko-na-katta
anyone/someone/everyone come-neg-past
No one (lit *Anyone)/Someone/Everyone didn't come.
