本稿は，「ださっ。」や「気持ち悪っ。」のような，形容詞の終止形活用語尾「い」が脱落し，形容詞語幹が声門の閉鎖を伴って発話された口語表現（「イ落ち構文」）を記述し，当該表現における形と意味の相関関係を明らかにすることを目的とする。統語的には，イ落ち構文は，C，T，Neg の機能範疇を欠き，小節（small clause）が主節を形成する“root small clause”（Progovac 2006）の一種とみなすことができる。意味的には，イ落ち構文は，発話時における話者の感覚や判断を，「伝達」ではなく，「表出」する「私的表現行為」（Hirose1995，廣瀬1997）専用の構文である。本稿では，このイ落ち構文の統語的特徴と意味的特徴を照らし合わせ，当該構文において，動機付け・類像性・有標性の相互に関連する観点から，形と意味が恣意的ではなく有機的に結びついていることを論じる。
本論文では，Hayashishita（2007）の「以上（に）」「ぐらい」を用いた比較構文の分析の妥当性を検討する。Hayashishita（2007）は，「A はB 以上に/ ぐらいP だ」という文には通常の比較構文にはない「A とB がともに属性P に関して平均基準を越えている」という含意があることを根拠に，これらの構文をcomparison of deviation，つまり，要素A，B に関して，平均基準をどれだけ越えているかを比較する構文として分析している。本論文では，要素Aと要素B に関して「平均基準を越えている」という含意のステータスに関して違いがあることを示す新しいデータを提示し，Hayashishita（2007）の分析がこれらのデータに関して誤った予測をなすことを示す。さらに，本論文では，当該の構文の分析としては，比較基準であるB に関してのみ「平均基準を越えている」という前提を持つ（真理条件的には）通常の比較構文である，と分析する代案のほうが観察される事実をよりよく捉えられることを示す。
文のミニマルペアである，（i）John walked over the bridge. と（ii）John walked under the bridge. では，（i）が「ジョンが橋の上側を歩いて渡った」事態を，（ii）が典型的には「ジョンが橋の下の地面の上を歩いた」事態を表すと解釈される。（i）と（ii）には，（a）TR とLM の接触性，（b）LM の役割，（c）言語化されない地面の役割，（d）前置詞句の意味特性，（e）前置詞句の文法特性，という5 つの非対称的な振る舞いが見られる。本研究では，（i）と（ii）を考察することで，反意語であるoverとunderを含む文のミニマルペアから非対称的な振る舞いが生じる動機付けを身体性と百科事典的意味の観点から分析する。一般的に，overとunderは反意語とされ垂直軸上で対称的な位置関係や動きを表すと考えられるが，人間が実際に経験する認識世界の垂直軸には様々な非対称的な特性が見られる。本研究では，この上下に関する異なる身体経験や百科事典的意味が，言語の意味と同時に文法的な振る舞いも動機づける点を明らかにする。
This paper deals with the Japanese adjectival conjugational ending drop construction (abbreviated as “ACED”), exemplified by utterances such as Dasaʔ! (“Uncool!”) and Kimochiwaruʔ! (“Disgusting!”). (The symbol “ʔ” represents a glottal stop in the examples.) Providing a thorough description of the syntax and semantics of the ACED construction, I argue that the construction contains certain systematic form-meaning correspondences. The ACED construction is peculiar both syntactically and semantically. Syntactically, it lacks the basic clausal functional categories C, T, and Neg and consists solely of an optional subject NP and an adjectival base followed by a glottal stop. It is therefore characterized as a “root small clause” in the sense of Progovac (2006). On the functional side, the ACED construction “expresses” (as opposed to “communicates”) the speaker’s immediate reaction to a given situation in which he/she is involved at the time of utterance and is used exclusively to perform what Hirose (1995, 1997) calls a “private (as opposed to ‘public’) expression act,” one that does not have any communicative intention on the part of the speaker. These observations are related naturally from a syntax-semantics interface standpoint in terms of motivation, iconicity, and markedness.
Recognizing an important semantic difference between izyoo(-ni) and gurai comparatives and the standard yori comparative in Japanese regarding implications to the positive standard, Hayashishita (2007) proposes an analysis that essentially treats izyoo(-ni) and gurai comparatives as instances of comparison of deviation. Th is analysis predicts that the standard-oriented positive implications for the matrix degree and the comparative degree should have the same status with respect to their (non-)presuppositionality. I provide novel data that counterexemplify this prediction, and sketch an alternative that treats these constructions as standard comparative and equative constructions with one extra presupposition for the comparative degree. The proposed alternative is shown to capture the relevant facts better than Hayashishita’s (2007) analysis, casting doubt on the validity of Hayashishita’s (2007) key analytic idea wherein izyoo(-ni) and gurai comparatives are identified as instances of comparison of deviation.
The present paper compares the following two sentences and analyzes asymmetrical characteristics observed between them: (i) “John walked over the bridge”, and (ii) “John walked under the bridge”. Though (i) and (ii) constitute a minimal pair of sentences, they are interpreted quite differently. Sentence (i) describes the event of John crossing the length of the bridge, while sentence (ii) describes the event of John walking without a specific direction under the region of the bridge. Here, five asymmetrical characteristics are observed between the two sentences: (a) the presence or absence of contact between the trajector and the landmark, (b) the role of the landmark, (c) the role of the ground, (d) the semantic characteristics of the prepositional phrases, and (e) the grammatical characteristics of the prepositional phrases.
The present paper argues that these five asymmetrical characteristics are motivated by encyclopedic knowledge and embodied conceptual structure, both of which speakers acquire through experience. Over and under are generally regarded as antonyms in that they show opposite location and movement along the vertical axis. However, the vertical axis in the conceived world is structured asymmetrically, and therefore, humans conceive it asymmetrically. This asymmetrical construal of the vertical axis motivates the divergent characteristics of the two sentences. In conclusion, the present paper suggests that linguistic embodiment and encyclopedic knowledge motivate not only the semantic but also the grammatical characteristics of linguistic structures.