Eliminating *-Features

北原 久嗣(慶應義塾大)

From a minimalist perspective, a "perfect language" should meet the condition of inclusiveness: No new objects are added in the computation apart from rearrangement of lexical properties (Chomsky 1995, 228). Recent developments such as the replacement of indexing by the interpretive version of binding theory (Chomsky and Lasnik 1993) and the reduction of (inherent) bar-levels to relational properties (Chomsky 1994) meet this condition. As an extension of this (arguably natural) minimalist condition, this paper proposes a derivational analysis of movement asymmetries which eleminates *-features (assigned by Chomsky and Lasnik's (1993) *-marking apparatus, a descendant of Lasnik and Saito's (1984,1992) γ-marking apparatus).