This paper argues that on the basis of comparison with Western Malayo-Polynesian (WMP) it is incorrect, in phonological and formative terms, to revise the Proto Austronesian suffix *-an, which derives a locative or benefactive focus in the verb inflexion system of Philippine and Formosan languages, to *-ana relying on evidence from Malagasy, Formosan, and Oceanic languages (Satrosta, S. et al. 1982), and it shows that this suffix functions to derive formal nouns expressing place, continuity, results, and circumstances. A function similar to that of the Malagasy circumstantial voice suffix -ana (with paragogic -a, Sakalava dialect -a) is seen in the Palauan anticipating state suffix -(e)l. The original function of *-an is thus maintained at both extremes of WMP.